When Louisiana Gov. Huey Long decided he needed a new governor’s mansion — one that would look like the White House, where he hoped to reside someday as president — he simply tore the old one down. Acting swiftly so nobody could stop him, the brassy governor used convict labor to dismantle the existing residence. The next day, plans for the Georgian-style mansion that would replace it were approved.

Remind you of anything?

Huey P. Long and Donald J. Trump came from hugely different worlds — Long from rustic Winn Parish, and Trump from the gold-plated skyscrapers in Manhattan — but their political styles have a striking resemblance.

Trump, elected president twice, and Long, Louisiana’s governor from 1928 to 1932 and U.S. senator from 1932 to 1935, built careers by ignoring norms. Both were populists, Long from the left and Trump from the right. Both accumulated immense power. And both dared to push that power beyond customary limits.

They each built voter support by attacking the establishment. Long went after oil companies, Wall Street, big banks and wealthy insiders. Trump went after the mainstream media, elite institutions, the “deep state” and globalists.

Opponents called them demagogues, dictators and authoritarians. Long called himself the “Kingfish.” Trump is attacked by critics who say he wants to be a king (“No Kings!”). Their supporters proudly cite their accomplishments: free school textbooks, paved roads, charity hospitals and LSU expansion for Long; a closed border, tax cuts, Supreme Court appointments, the rollback of DEI and passage of the One Big Beautiful Bill for Trump.

Ron Faucheux

Long and Trump also understood the dominant media of their times. Long mastered radio and mass distribution of pamphlets. Trump mastered television and social media. Natural-born salesmen, Long got his start peddling Cottolene, a cooking fat product used for frying and baking. Trump hawked expensive real estate.

Both survived efforts to remove them from office. As governor, Long was impeached by the Louisiana House in 1929 on eight of the 19 charges drawn up, including abuse of power, misuse of state funds, illegal influence of the courts and blasphemy. The effort collapsed when enough state senators signed a “round robin” letter declaring they would not vote to convict him.

Trump’s story has a similar ring. He was impeached twice by the U.S. House and saved by the Senate both times.

These two politicians built powerful grassroots movements nationwide. Long’s supporters formed 27,000 “Share Our Wealth” clubs across the country with millions of members — quite an achievement for a politician elected from one state. Trump has his MAGA movement, which polling shows includes tens of millions of loyal voters.

Long and Trump each rolled politics into performance art and dominated public attention by pressing rhetorical hot buttons, stirring emotions of frustrated voters. Long used rallies as a political weapon, drawing huge crowds. Trump does the same. Each has entertained audiences with funny stories, theatrical flourishes and blistering attacks on enemies.

Their insulting nicknames stuck. Long called New Orleans Mayor T. Semmes Walmsley “Turkey Head” and former Gov. John M. Parker “Old Sack of Bones.” He labeled U.S. Sen. Joseph Ransdell “Old Feather Duster” and “Trashy Mouth.” He tagged one newspaper publisher “Colonel Bow Wow.” Trump has done the same with “Crooked Hillary” Clinton, “Sleepy Joe” Biden, “Low Energy” Jeb Bush, “Crazy Nancy” Pelosi and “Lyin’ Ted” Cruz.

The comparisons snap.

Long went after not only Republicans but leaders in his own party, especially old-line, pro-business fellow Democrats. Though he played a key role helping Franklin Roosevelt win the 1932 Democratic presidential nomination, he later broke with the popular president, accusing FDR of abandoning campaign promises to assist “the common man.” He called him “Prince Franklin” and filibustered one of Roosevelt’s bills in the Senate for 15 hours and 30 minutes.

Politics today are more acutely partisan than they were in the 1930s, but that hasn’t stopped Trump from attacking fellow Republicans. He’s pushed numerous GOP members of Congress out of office; Liz Cheney, Adam Kinzinger and Jeff Flake come to mind. In just the last few weeks, he’s gone after Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, Sen. John Cornyn of Texas, U.S. Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky and five Indiana state senators — all in Republican primaries, where Trump’s support remains wide and deep.

Talk about historical convergence: In 2024, Trump carried Long’s home parish of Winn with 77% of the vote.

Long and Trump understood raw power, and used it to bend institutions, laws and norms to their will. But while use of power is an art, abuse of power is a slippery slope.

A good example of crossing that line is Trump’s $1.8 billion reparations fund for supporters, along with his deal to end IRS audits for himself and family. It’s so audacious, it would have made even Long blush.