After 17 months, Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko’s government was reshuffled the day before yesterday, on Saturday. A reshuffle marked by the simultaneous dismissal of Ousmane Diagne from the Department of Justice and Jean-Baptiste Tine, Minister of the Interior, as well as the entry of Me Mouhamadou Bamba Cissé and Déthié Fall. The appointment of Yassine Fall as head of the Ministry of Justice, after leading the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and African Integration, was also a surprise to many. A new team that seems to illustrate Pastef’s desire to respond to popular impatience, especially in the justice sector, in light of the events from 2021 to 2024.

The latest government reshuffle bears a clear signature: that of Ousmane Sonko. The Prime Minister has seen several of his wishes granted, notably the departure of Justice Minister Ousmane Diagne and the replacement at the Interior. But how far does his power really extend? President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, the institutional guarantor, still holds the levers. The line of fracture is drawn between political power and constitutional authority.
The growing influence of Ousmane Sonko
For analyst Assane Samb, there is no doubt that Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko emerges strengthened. “There was a feeling that his power was consolidated, that the president wants to let him unfold more freely. The feeling that emerged is that the ministries that posed problems were the Interior and Justice. Their reshuffling is clearly a political victory for Sonko.”

According to him, this reorganization responds to activist demands: “It may be to meet the expectations of a certain number of activists and sympathizers regarding certain judicial issues that arose in Senegal between 2021 and 2023,” notes Assane Samb. By installing close associates, the head of the Prime Minister’s Office gains more latitude to steer the government program. But this rise in power feeds the perception of a political hyperpower that could weaken the president. “Legally, Diomaye still holds all the cards. But politically, he is increasingly aligned with Pastef. This reduces his room for maneuver,” reminds Assane Samb.

Demba Guèye, another political analyst, however, nuances this interpretation. According to him, Sonko has indeed obtained the departure of figures that annoyed him, but he has not imposed his men in all strategic positions. “The pie has been divided in two. At the Ministry of the Interior, Sonko placed a close associate, Me Bamba Cissé. But at Justice, Yassine Fall is perceived as closer to Diomaye than to him. He obtained departures, but not control,” explains Demba Guèye. In short, Diomaye has ceded ground without relinquishing his presidential authority.
Power dynamics: politics versus institution
On the institutional level, the hierarchy remains unequivocal: the Prime Minister derives his power from the president. “It is the president who defines government policy,” Guèye recalls. “The Prime Minister just implements it. At any time, Diomaye can put an end to the fun,” says Demba Guèye. He adds, “Diomaye holds all the powers to stop the Prime Minister if he wants to steer the government in a direction that does not suit him.”

But politically, the situation is different. As party leader, a prominent figure in the movement, Sonko has a grassroots legitimacy that Diomaye cannot ignore. This duality nourishes an unprecedented internal cohabitation dynamic at the top of the state. Can we speak of a hyperpower of the Prime Minister? “Institutionally, no. But politically, yes,” asserts Demba Guèye.

The difference is significant: as long as the Constitution does not confer new powers to the Prime Minister, his authority remains precarious. But his ability to mobilize the party and public opinion offers him an unprecedented counterbalance to the president. “The political superpower exists in the sense that the Prime Minister is the party leader, he is the boss of the President of the Republic politically,” he points out. “That is already a political superpower. Now, the Prime Minister is waiting for his institutional superpower to truly challenge the President of the Republic.”

In short, the reshuffled government reveals a balancing act strategy. Diomaye concedes, Sonko gains, but each retains a level of control. However, the shadow of rivalry persists. “Dual leadership at the top is never a good sign. It can create institutional frictions and political blockages,” warns Assane Samb. For now, Diomaye remains the master of the institutional game, while Sonko reigns over the political field. A cohabitation that can work… until one decides to test the other’s limits.